THE BUSH WATCH

DOES THE CONCLUSION OF A SWEEP LEAD TO SWEEPING CONCLUSIONS? Conservative columnist Mark Davis sees the national GOP disaster as perfect for a Bush presidential candidacy: the Guv is "an antidote to the doldrums," but fellow columnist Cecil Johnson says Texas Dem disaster is the donkeys' fault: "Give the voters a choice between a Republican and a Republican, and they'll elect a Republican every time." (Truman)

A "Houston Chronicle" editorial tells us that on the national level the majority rejected the Theocrat agenda: "restrictions on abortion, state-prescribed prayer in public schools, tax subsidies for private schools and government condemnation of homosexual behavior." Jane Ely says that the Christian Coalition conclusion that the elephants were not conservative enough is "silly," and "proof of how frightening the imposition of narrow-minded religiosity can be in what should be secular politics." Even Mark Davis agrees that "it's time to realize that American does not lie awake nights thinking about abortion and gay rights," and the GOP would "garner big majorities without much divisiveness within the ranks" by sticking to taxes, jobs, Social Security, and education. (Politiex reminds Davis that doing something about taxes, federal job programs, and education is part of the CC agenda.)

Getting back to the Bush sweep in Texas, Cecil Johnson notes that, "Texas has no tradition of being in the vanguard of significant political movements," implying that the Guv's brand of "compassionate conservatism" might not export well. This is key to what happened in Texas. How did Bush keep the Theocrats in check? He gave them the store. An 11/5 editorial in the "Statesman" writes that "there isn't a wild-eyed radical to be found" on the winning state ticket. That may be so, but the winners are not moderates. For a slate of pretend "compassionate conservatives," Bush handed over the Texas Republican Party to the theocrats at the Summer convention. Based on their answers to the Eagle Forum questionnaire, (recently removed from its web site) Perry, Cornyn, Dewhurst, Combs, and Garza had very high "litmus-test" scores and came out to the right of the Guv, who scored pretty high, himself. (Rylander's government office was not included on the questionnaire.) It was a trade-off. They kept quiet on the hot-botton issues and George patted them on the back in front of the cameras. This is the same tactic the theocrats have used to take over school boards throughout Texas. Their candidates run as middle-of-the-road Republicans but turn out to be otherwise at the school board meetings, much to the dismay of the citizenry that stayed home on election day. When Bush leaves Texas to move into the political big leagues, he will leave a state government as well as a political party run by very conservative friends of the theocrats, not "compassionate conservatives." Is this conclusion too sweeping? 11/9

href="http://www.chron.com/content/story.html/politics/124180">BUSH VISITS HOUSTON CHARTER SCHOOL AND PRAISES "EDUCATIONAL ENTREPRENEURSHIP." (Last paragraphs.) Meanwhile, San Antonio entrepreneur- millionaire hospital bed mogul James Leininger funds El Shadai Christian Academy charter school. With no written curriculum or certified teachers, the school "teaches the way Jesus taught his disciples." Art Gallegos, ex-laywer entrepeneur-co-founder, says he, "teaches kids about the law of God and academics."

PERRY SIDEBAR: Voucher proponent Leininger, who has poured "most of" the estimated $2 million in voucher grant money into the San Antonio CEO project, is GOP candidate Rick Perry's friend and business associate. In May a stock trading complaint was filed against the two entrepreneurs with the S&E. (HC,5/21) Leininger and his family have given Perry $92,00 and use of an airplane for his Lt. Gov. run. He gave another $25,000 to a PAC "which then gave the same amount to Perry." John Walton, one of the heirs to the Wal-Mart billions and financial force behind the national voucher/charter school movement, contributed another $20,000 to the Perry candidacy. (DMN, 10/21) 10/21

THE JIHAD BEGINS: STATE BOARD OF EDUCATION CHAIRMAN JACK CHRISTIE SAYS HE WILL RESIGN IN DECEMBER WITH TWO YEARS LEFT IN HIS TERM AS SCHOOL BOARD MEMBER. This orchestrated move, taking place after the debate but before the election, allows Bush to try again to appoint a chairman that will be able to hold the Theocratic Party members of the school board in check before those members reach a possible majority. For background, click here. Campaq Computer Corporation's director of public affairs and Bush family friend Chase Untermeyer, a former "Houston Chronicle" politics reporter, state rep, aide to dad when he was prez, and assistant Navy secretary is one of 6 reportedly under consideration. (AAS,10/20 ; HC,1/15+7/12) He'll need to get a few battleships out of mothballs to deal with the members of the board who will not take "yes" for an answer. And talking about the Theocratic candidates, will they repeat the reported behavior of some of the previous election's candidates and practice un-Christian, last-minute, untruthful smears of their opponents in letters to the voters? 10/20

PERRY POLITICAL/BUSINESS BUDDY, MULTIMILLIONAIRE JAMES LEININGER, FINANCING THEOCRATIC PARTY'S ATTEMPT TO TAKE OVER TEXAS SCHOOL BOARD. Readers of Bush Watch are familiar with the political/financial relationship between Rick Perry and James Leininger (see 10/21), Perry's relationship with the political/religious groups that make up the Theocratic Party (see "Campaign '98,10/1), and the Christian right's apparent attempt to disrupt the mission of the Texas State Board of Education (see 10/20). Now, Terry Stutz in DMN,10/26 reports that Leininger, who has poured most of an estimated $2 million into the San Antonio private voucher plan and has contributed over $100,000 to the Perry campaign, has "pumped nearly $50,000 into (the Texas State School Board) races." Further, the Leininger-founded political consulting firm used by the Christian right to create their tactics in previous school board elections, termed "vicious and despicable" by the Texas State Teachers Association, has been given thousands by the theocrats to craft a similar campaign this election. Stutz notes, "candidates using (Winning Strategies, Inc.) are expected to hammer their opponents in the days before the election with a variety of accusatory mailouts." (More on that later.)

Columnist Bud Kennedy recently described the activities of the very vocal theocrats on the state school board: "the church clique (has) openly blocked Bush's ideas and viciously attacked his education commissioner, Mike Moses. They support driving more children into religious schools or home schooling. They're against teaching evolution, any kind of sex education, any state or federal supervision -- and, of course, anything Disney." (FWST, 10/23) Candidates running against the theocrats have noted that they don't send their kids to public schools, "yet they make decisions that affect 96 percent of the children in Texas," (Allan Butcher); "they create a lengthy debate (that) seems to be more of a way of protesting and postponing an issue than trying to work with the staff and the commissioner," (Rene Nunez); and "they're pulling stunts (and are not) focusing on the needs of the children of Texas," (Charlotte Coffelt), AP,10/26. Members of the public school community in Texas are equally disenchanted with the theocrats on the board. As Graham Assistant Superintendent Greg Gibson says of "seldom-seen" incumbent Rev. Richard Watson, "We've never seen him. He's supposed to be representing us, and he doesn't even return our calls. There's no contact." Butcher, Watson's challanger, chimes in with a comment that could be directed to all of the Christian right members of the board: "If you're going to be the state official who's going to set the curriculum for public schools, you ought to believe in the system and participate." Reports suggest the theocrats do neither, other than serve as one prong of the two-pronged attack on public education in Texas, the other prong being the religious/political groups outside of state government fighting for more unregulated charter schools and unregulated public funding of private education. What holds these two groups together is membership in interlocking organizations and/or financial support from millionaires like Leininger in Texas and billionaires like Walton outside of Texas. The final building block in the Theocratic edifice is the awarding of campaign contributions to politicians they think are willing to support their goals. Based on official campaign contributions records, in Texas Rick Perry heads the list.

According to a Texas Freedom Network spokesperson, judging from past performance, if the theocrats gain a majority on the State Board of Education, little will get done, kids in public education would be the losers, and "you will see more animosity and strife." Conservative Sen. Bill Ratliff called them an "embarrassment for the state of Texas and the governor." Bush political adviser Karl Rove said, "I thought I was a right-winger, but these people are out there...In the carnival of life, they are in a very distant booth." Board Chairman Jack Christie has been quoted as saying, "It's a waste of time to try to placate these people." Words used to describe them are "run amok," "insatiable," "dissembling," and "utterly resistant to compromise." Given those comments, Politex finds it painful to imagine what the theocrats would be like if they were in the catbird seat; yet, columnist Kennedy tells us that winning three out of the following four contested seats will give them a working majority.

DISTRICT 1 (WEST TEXAS): This will be the most contentious race because Donna Ballard, a minister's wife from The Woodlands, a Houston suburb, who resigned from the Board when she moved, is now living in Midland and running for the seat against Rene Nunez, a member of the Board for 10 years. Considered to be the leader of the theocrats and the "best financed" at over $40,000, Ballard has drawn "criticism from Republicans and Democrats alike" in the legislature. Using smear tactics and language similar to her previous races for Board seats, she has said "Nunez of El Paso supports teaching children about legalizing marijuana and homosexual lifestyles," leaving observers shaking their heads in disbelief.

DISTRICT 2 (SOUTH TEXAS): Theocratic candidate Shirley Pigott of Victoria is local president of the American Family Association, an organization that shares similar interests and policies with The Texas Christian Coalition and Texas Eagle Forum. She is running against incumbent Mary Helen Berlanga of Corpus Christi. Note: Theocrat Judy Strickland (Plainview) has already won the uncontested seat for the Panhandle's District 15. She is the local President of Texas Eagle Forum.

DISTRICT 9 (NORTHEAST TEXAS): The theocrat here is Don McLeroy of Bryan, who has been given $20,000 in campaign money by James Leininger. Mary Delk of Texarkana is running against him.

DISTRICT 14 (NORTH TEXAS): Rev. Richard Watson of Gorman said "he took his children out of public school to provide a Christian-based education" at home, but chooses to serve on the Board as a theocrat. Allan Butcher, his opponent, is a Stephenville lawyer and father of a public school first-grader. Bud Kennedy thinks Butcher, a "Fort Worth native, could swing votes on the disruptive, dysfunctional State Board of Education." 10/27

PERRYMANDERING TEXAS: "SOUL BROTHERS" PLAY "GOOD COP, BAND COP" WITH THE VOTERS

THE JOB.While the "Houston Chronicle" and the "Austin Statesman" have just come out in favor of John Sharp for Lieutenant Governor, the polls insist Rick Perry has a slight lead. The job only pays $600 a month and both men would have to take deep cuts of around $7,000 a month presently earned in their state jobs as Comptroller (Sharp) and Agricultural Commissioner (Perry). However, both men would jump at the chance, which most Texans consider to be equal in power to the Governor's. Some political insiders consider it more powerful, since the Lt. Gov. presides over the Senate and directs the traffic of the bills. And then there's the equal plum this time around of an acting governorship when George leaves for the big tent. No wonder the next accounting of the campaign money, due out this week, will probably show both men ahead of Dem gubernatorial candidate Garry Mauro in campaign contributions. That would be over $7 million each.

THE CAMPAIGN.Perry bases his campaign on a three-part message: "safe streets, the best schools in America, and economic opportunity."(DMA, 9/15) At a July meeting of the Sheriff's Association of Texas, he told the officers that he would destroy a basic legal safeguard to give them more power; he said he would allow statements by officers that a suspect confessed to a crime without them needing to furnish written or recorded proof.(AAS, 7/15) As for education, Perry's vision of "the best schools" is more private charter schools outside of state control, more state-paid vouchered students in those schools with no state control over the use of the vouchers, and more privatization of educational functions. (See CAMPAIGN CONTRIBUTIONS DOG BUSH-PERRY EDUCATION PLANS... "Campaign '98"...and GOP GOVERNOR-NON-ELECT CANDIDATE RICK PERRY RECEIVED 5%...above.) With respect to his last major theme, "economic opportunity," Perry seems content to mirror Bush, even down to a stock trading problem. Although Perry has worked primarily as a small rancher/career politician, he was called a "businessman" at an anti-drug meeting in Houston last week (HC, 10/3). His most public foray into business was a complaint of insider trading in a political supporter's company filed against him with the Securities and Exchange Commission (HC, 5/21). George Kuempel notes that Sharp has "accused Mr. Perry of amassing a personal fortune through 'insider land deals and sweetheart stock transactions' with lobbyists, campaign donors and special interest groups doing business with the state Agriculture Department." (DMN,9/15) R.G. Ratcliffe reports that Sharp has been particularly concerned about a land invesktment deal in which Perry received an 800% return on his $36,000 investment in only 20 months. Perry has chalked up such deals to "luck and good decisions." Since then, his wife, an economic consultant, has left the law firm that was engaged in lobbying Texas legislators and Perry has said that his holdings were placed in a blind trust. (HC, 10/2+10/3) (To consider the value of blind trusts in Texas politics today, see "The Guv's Trust is Blind But He's Not," 9/7 in "BUSHGATE.")

PERRY'S FLAW.Both Sharp and Perry are in their late 40's and were friends while in the Corps of Cadets at Texas A&M. When Sharp became student body president, Perry became an Aggie yell leader. Today, they're both about the same. Sharp has a reputation as a politician who seeks consensus and gets things done. Perry has a reputation as someone who will fight the enemy to the death for his cause. He has been quoted as telling his school voucher friends who contributed hundreds of thousands to his campaign that he'll ""run over any school board or school superintendent that stands in our way." (See above, 10/1). As Agriculture Commissioner he called those who were concerned about poisons in their food "food terrorists." More recently, Perry fought a costal management plan to protect sand dunes and wetlands, fight erosion, and assure beach access for Texans, calling it the work of a few "extremists." (HC, 10/3) In short, Perry uses the confrontational code words of the people who finance his campaigns, wealthy businessmen-landowners and those on the theocratic right. His vision of the world is "us" vs. "them" and his side must beat down the "enemy" at all costs. He defines politics in terms of campaign contributions not consensus, and he wants the power to oversee, as he puts it,"a major rewrite of the (Texas) constitution this session."(SAEN, 10/3) David Carney, his political advisor, is a veteran of attack politics under John Sununu and George Bush, so it's unlikely that Perry will be toned down by anyone in his camp. However, Dave McNeely has reported that Perry does not do well when he's not being a cheerleader, confronting his opponents face-to-face. In a joint appearance in April, "Sharp cut him to shreds, and Perry has studiously avoided give-and-take, debate-type formats as much as possible."(AAS, 10/2) In their rejection of Perry's candidacy, the Texas Farm Bureau called Perry a "dangerously partisan candidate." (AAS, 7/9) This may be why the editors of the "Houston Chronicle" backed Sharp, implying that Perry would "undermine...the freedom and opportunities of every Texan." (HC, 10/3)

BACKGROUND:There are those who have assumed that in the GOP there are economic conservatives and social conservatives and various combinations thereof. This scenario has it that the economic conservatives are led by white men over 50 who care little about social issues and provide campaign money in anticipation of business returns from their elected representatives. The social conservatives are the religious foot soldiers who bulk up the Republican voting bloc and carry the banners. First, the enemies were the commies; now, they're all those rainbow people who aspire to cultural diversity. Today, however, the foot soldiers have become an invading army. The scenario also assumes Goldwater has split into two: say, Gingrich (amoral capitalism) and DeLay (religious conservativism). Of course, some amoral capitalists would decide that it's good business to pretend to be a religious conservative. Hence, before Clinton hit the fan, most of the GOP leadership, for one reason or the other, began bashing gays to get the "social conservatives" to the polls. If we were to consider this view of the GOP, Guv Bush would be closer to Gingrich than DeLay; he's a millionaire who has refused to bash gays, even before the Clinton fiasco made it unnecessary this time around.

BUSH'S FLAW: He delegates power to others and fails to fully oversee the results. He is most comfortable with people, not ideas, and he relies too much on the suggestions of friends and business associates for appointees, policy decisions, and follow-up. His present state housing agency scandal is an example of the result. (see "Campaign '98") When such blunders occur, we usually hear from spinmeister Karen Hughes or the Guv attempts to brazen it out by talking about Texas pride or some other such cliche. That duck will not fly outside of Texas and it will cause problems for him in January when the "social conservatives" on the Texas State School Board cash in their political chips.

ARMAGEDDON TIME:Jeb Bush believes that the path to GOP control in the next century is through offering the "social conservative" jihad charter schools and vouchers to keep their children away from the bad influence of cultural diversity, and that's part of his Florida campaign, but George appears uncomfortable agreeing to state vouchers for private and parochial schools, at least before the election, as he tries to determine just how far he has to go to appease the religious right. As we know from the Perry-Sharp debate, Perry has no such qualms. By now, Bush might have the feeling that he has created a monster that could end up devouring him and any other GOP candidate that stands in the way of its attempt to destroy "Godless public education." Consider the following:

Road MapsThe Heritage Foundation says Bush has vowed to push for passage of a "school choice" bill if reelected. The Eagle Forum's"Education Reporter"boasts that a "social conservative" sweep in November would leave them "just one seat short of a majority" on the Texas School Board. This is not counting the other Republicans on the board, who usually vote with the "social conservatives," as in the recent anti-Disney vote.The Texas Eagle Forumwants educational vouchers for private and parochial schools, but fears that they would "become 'cupons for government control' of private schools unless a constitutional amendment prevents ANY regulation of private schools."

BattlegroundBush has appointed conservative West Texas businessman Mike Moses Education Commissioner and Jack Christie Chairman of the Texas State Board of Education. The "social conservatives" want to get rid of both, even though they are conservative Republicans, and Bush has not done enough to protect them. Carlos Sanchez reports that one bone of contention is that the two are perceived as backing a "federal conspiracy" to take over the state's school curriculum. There has been talk of Christie stepping down and Bush appointing someone else for the slot, preventing a religious conservative from becoming chrirman in 2000. Bush may just allow the latter to happen to avoid a confrontation. However, if the social activists decide to try to take down Moses sooner, Bush may not be willing or able to stand by.

Charter SchoolsTerry Stutz informs us that "independent charter schools are publicly funded, exempt from most state regulations and have open enrollment policies that accept students regardless of where they live...Of the l9 charter schools operating in Texas last year, seven received low performance ratings based on test scores and other criteria. Only one was "recognized." In spite of such a poor track record, the State Board of Education added l26 more in l998, placing Texas right below Arizona's high of 241. There are only 800 charter schools in the nation. Thirty applications from one organization, Eagle Project of Lewisville, is being considered. Meanwhile, a number of "Faith Family" charters were approved. Commissioner Moses was against issuing so many charters, indicating that TEA would be "hard-pressed to monitor all the schools." Board member Mary Berlanga was concerned about adding more charter schools while the performance of the ones in place are in question.

School VouchersGround has already been broken in San Antonio for a state-wide voucher system. In an experiment approved by the state, a private group of San Antonio businesspeople have promised $50 million over 10 years to allow poor children living in the low-performing Edgewood school district to go to any public or private school of their choosing. As a result, this year 700 students received up to $4,000 each and went elsewhere. Edgewood lost $3.5 million in state funding, making it even more difficult to improve. Charter schools are springing up like mushrooms to fill the demand. One such, the Family Faith Academy, "is to be run by two former amusement park operators in a converted roadside bar," according to a recent "Houston Chronicle" editorial. Another, Sword of the Lord, also has plans to start up. The editorial indicated that "Texas does not require private schools to be accredited, follow a set curriculum, or administer standard tests." In a 7-6 vote earlier this month, the State Board of Education refused to agree to a legislative recommendation opposing private school vouchers.

BUSH'S DECISION.During the January session of the Texas legislature, the use of state money for private and parochial school vouchers will be on the agenda, and the Guv's ability to rein in the contentious religious conservatives on the State Board of Education will be an indication of his growth in administrative expertise. Further, his position on vouchers will send a political message to the nation about his presidential aspirations, because by that time he will not be able to play the country bumpkin, as he recently did with a "Waco Tribune" editor: "I don't get it. Me--little ol' me--Gov. Bush?"

Politex, 9/28/98. (FWST,6/23+24, HC, 7/18, DMN, 9/12, HC, 9/16, AAS, 9/25)

THE GUV IN DISNEYLAND. Even though Bush is on record as saying all state investment decisions should be made upon financial considerations, as the Texas Constitution demands, he continues to straddle the fence by having his speinmeister recently tell Alan Berstein of the "Houston Chronicle" that he couldn't do anything about the State Board's selling off of Disney stock because the board members are elected, not appointed by him, so "it's their decision to make," implying that he could influence voting when the group contains appointees. Ironically, Bush actually appointed anti-Disney Grace Shore of Longview to fill a vacated spot on the Board. And what do Shore and the other seven anti-Disney Board members think about the Guv's l0-year career as "the paid director of a company that finaanced dozens of Disney movies, including 21 rated "R"? Or is it o.k 'cause he's not gay? (Click on PoliTex at left and go to "Texas.")(HC,7/ l8) 7/ 20, Austex

BUSH FAILS RELIGIOUS RIGHT LITMUS TEST: Richard L. Berke of the NYT (7/l5) asked him "whether he agreed with Trent Lott, the majority leader and other Republicans who have decried homosexuality as a sin." The Guv answered: We're all sinners. I don't believe I should use my position to make any kind of determination as to who goes to heaven and who goes to hell." (Hang in there, Guv, we're behind you on this one!) 7/ l7, Austex

ARE THE GUV AND FAMILY RESEARCH COUNCIL PRESIDENT GARY BAUER RELIGIOUS BEDFELLOWS? That would explain W.'s recent wooing of the Christian Right (see below) to offset this earlier Bauer quote: "You know, the problem for Governor Bush...is that eventually he's got to leave Texas and get in the primaries and mix it up in the field of ideas, and its not at all clear to me that he will do that well." (AAS, 5/l7), 7/2

WHEN W. RAN FOR GOVERNOR IN 1994 HE SAID THAT HE WOULD BE," A CATALYIST FOR SOCIAL CHANGE." That same year he acknowledged his past years of heavy drinking and womanizing: "I was unmarried and single. I deny every accusation...I was a carefree lad." Others called him a "frat brat." Clearly, he had to denounce past "sins" to enter the kingdom of the Christian Coalition and bring government with him. Cut to the state GOP convention in Fort Worth earlier this month: "The biggest challenge facing Texas and America lies...inside our souls. And that is we must change today's (feel good) culture." He went on to praise GOP lieutenant governor candidate Rick Perry as a "philosophical soul mate." His speech met a luke-warm reception at the Texas Christian Colition's "Faith and Freedom Banquet," an event at the convention. Even though Bush works religious faith into all of his speeches, he is perceived as not being loud enough on his pro-Coalition abortion position and not being strong enough on his anti-federal education position, in spite of his pro-voucher, pro-charter schools positions. God knows, he doesn't have to count on Christian Coalition votes to beat Mauro, but he sure does when he encounters folks like Dan Quayle and Pat Buchanan on his path to the White House. Hence, he needs to tell the Coalition that he's "a governor who believes in the power of faith to transform lives, and who believes government should welcome and encourage the help of churches and synagogues and people of faith."

Yet, as Alan Bernstein indicates in Tuesday's "Houston Chronicle," Bush does not see government as an agent of social change when it comes to "hate crimes," such as the racist killing in Jasper: "Bush asserted that the role of Texas government...is to provide a secure prison cell, and perhaps an orderly execution, for anyone convicted of the crime. But the agent of cultural change that Bush once said he wants to be would go no further." Part of his problem is that the Guv has nothing to gain politically from the groups that are typically the victims of "hate crimes" in Texas, blacks and gays, and the groups he is wooing do not encourage him to think otherwise. Muddying the waters, the Guv actually said, "All crimes are hate crimes," suggesting that he didn't even know the meaning of the term. In l993 Texas passed a vaguely worded "hate crimes" law that leaks like a sieve. According to Molly Ivins, when precise language was added to it in the last legislative session, it did not pass because it "was particularly opposed by those who didn't want to be perceived as helping 'queers.' " The Guv offered no support for the legislation; now, the authorities in Jasper don't have a Texas "hate crimes" law to work with, and are scrambling to make the killing a federal offense. Meanwhile, "hate crimes" in Texas are up 7.7% in l996 and we can't even get figures for '97 and '98.

Another part of the Guv's problem is he's starting to be perceived as being two-faced. Here's Bernstein: "The Governor's contrasting views of the same overriding subject--the role of government in modifying the behavioral code of society--is a symptom of the conflict within his Party. On the one hand, the GOP wants to use government to change the culture. On the other, it wants to get government out of people's lives." Getting back to Bush, how can he say that the answer to our social problems is religious, not governmental, and then run for a governmental position promising to work as Governor to solve our social problems? Many answers come to mind: l) He will moonlight as a minister, 2) He will help to turn our representative democracy towards a theocracy, 3)He is speaking in a non-religious political code understood by members of the Christian Colition, 4)He is saying whatever his listeners want to hear, 5)He is very confused, as is the GOP, or 6)More than one of the above. Since only 2% of the 1,014 Texas Poll respondents say morality is their top concern, Bernstein concludes that "people are tired of hearing moral preachings from politicians who can't keep a lid on taxes or pave the streets. Worse, some politicians do one thing and preach the opposite...If (Bush) continues to preach morals and personal responsibility, his past will be fair game." 6/ 2l/ 98, Austex (AAS, 6/l3, 6/l4, 6/l6 and HC, 6/ l9)